Analytics

Analytics on Central Asia are relevant for a young region that is still experiencing a period of its development. The section is a source of information for a wide range of readers interested in socio-political processes, issues of regional security and economic development, as well as foreign policy in the countries of Central Asia.

Religious and Secular Radicalism in Kyrgyz Society

“The role of the state – political leaders and various institutions – must be to promote public dialogue, sustainable diversity in the society and accept this diversity as a value. The state must prevent, not worsen, any divisions between insiders and outsiders, “us” and “them”. This is what can make our current social situation, not Soviet any more, secular,” political analyst Emil Dzhuraev wrote in his article for the analytical portal CABAR.asia.
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Kyrgyzstan: What’s Wrong About Parliament?

“In assessing the role of parliament, we should take into account the country’s historical experience, traditions and values, level of political and legal culture of the population and other circumstances. Consideration of such factors is the main prerequisite for assessing the role and place of the parliament both in the system of public relations and in the system of state legal relations,”- states Sheradil Baktygulov, expert in public administration, wrote in his article for CABAR.asia.


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Brief overview of the article:

  • The quality of the Kyrgyz parliament performance depends not only on its members, but also on its administration and other state bodies that submit motions to the parliament;
  • In the parliament of Kyrgyzstan, just like in other parliaments of the world, MPs are conditionally divided into three groups: “politicians” (3-8 people), “workers” (10 to 20 people), and “speechless” (the rest). “Politicians” determining the legislative agenda and “speechless” MPs, which constitute the majority, voting for any draft laws that are potentially beneficial for them make the difference;
  • The composition of parties in the parliament depends on two groups of voters during election: pensioners and public-sector employees, whose loyalty is “paid for” by the increase in pensions and wages;
  • MPs make up various groups of private interests, which affect negatively the society: they create unequal opportunities of various social groups when making political decisions, encourage inefficient economic policies and arrogate the exclusive right to represent public interests;
  • The divergent trajectories of goals and objectives of MPs, officials and businessmen and of the expectations of socially mobile and economically active citizens are the factors contributing to the growth of the re-Islamisation of the population and the radicalisation of young people;
  • Improving the efficiency of Zhogorku Kenesh performance depends on the self-discipline of MPs and the active participation of young people in elections. If young citizens of the country fail to become the most active, and thus influential, group of voters, the emerging negative trends will only gather pace.

In 2020, Zhogorku Kenesh of the Kyrgyz Republic will be celebrating ten years of its work under the new 2010 constitution, with new powers of the legislative and executive branches of government. The majority of comments by local and foreign media agree that MPs fail to cope with their duties successfully. Fewer people claim successful parliamentary reform and performance of MPs. The discussions are logical, but how true are they?
In assessing the role of parliament, we should take into account the country’s historical experience, traditions and values, level of political and legal culture of the population and other circumstances. Consideration of such factors is the main prerequisite for assessing the role and place of the parliament both in the system of public relations and in the system of state legal relations.
There’s one more circumstance that affects the assessment of the Kyrgyz parliament significantly.  It is based on the parameters of some “perfect” Western parliament, which doesn’t exist in the world. Also, there’s no second Kyrgyzstan or a country with the similar history, traditions and values to carry out a comparative analysis. We can only make hypotheses that don’t always reflect the real life.
The time of realism
The development of national representative bodies in the political system of modern Kyrgyzstan has a centuries-old history – from the tribal and national kurultais to the Soviet rule of people and modern forms of parliamentary democracy. It should be noted that the current Zhogorku Kenesh has been working for eight years only within the powers defined by the constitution of 2010 and 2017.
It’s more complicated in real life. The Kyrgyz parliament has passed through many ups and downs in its development:  from the “legendary” parliament to the “fish (silent)” parliament; from the unicameral to the bicameral parliament and back; from MPs elected on the majority-proportional basis to MPs selected from party lists.

Zhogorku Kenesh is assessed on the basis of some “perfect” Western parliament, which doesn’t exist in the world.
As we can see, parliament is rather dynamic and mobile institution. Every change in the Constitution and the state activity respectively requires constant adaptation of the parliament to changing conditions. The reforms of the parliamentary mechanism are specifically tailored to the accomplishment of these objectives. However, it never happened in Kyrgyzstan. The powers of the parliament and the government have changed in the checks and balances system, yet the performance of the parliamentary mechanism has remained the same.
The practice is that MPs are blamed for the weak performance of the parliament and MPs. However, the effectiveness of the work of MPs, among other things, depends on the work of units that ensure the work of the parliament (departments of committees, administration, administrative department), as well as units of state bodies involved in the legislative process.
The analysis of performance of public authorities and administrative bodies in the field of law-making suggests that the “fool-proof system” (protection from unreasonable decisions) has never been developed.
Let’s consider an example of laws on mandatory insurance of movable and real property. The State Service for Financial Market Regulation and Oversight at the Government of the Kyrgyz Republic (hereinafter, Gosfinnadzor) submitted two draft laws in May 2015 to the Kyrgyz parliament saying that they would “increase responsibility of owners of movable and real property, reduce the burden on the budget in terms of assistance provided to those affected, drivers would depart the country with insurance policies.” This part of the background statement is just a bag of words that confirm the truism like “the sun shines brighter in the afternoon,” “it’s snowing in winter, raining in autumn,” etc.
Despite this, MPs conducted three readings of these two draft laws, “On mandatory insurance of private premises from fire and natural disasters” and “On mandatory insurance of civil liability of owners of motor vehicles”, at a record speed of 10-12 working days and passed the laws that legalised the withdrawal of cash from the pockets of the Kyrgyzstanis, including abroad.
Meanwhile, Gosfinnadzor violated the law “On laws and regulations of the Kyrgyz Republic”. It didn’t conduct compulsory hearings with the business community, compulsory Regulatory Impact Assessment (RIA), introduced the conflict of laws (which is forbidden by law) in terms of tariff determination. The fact that these draft laws were drafted in 2009 for Bakiev’s “schemes” of cash withdrawal from pockets of citizens remains behind the scene. Therefore, the controversial draft law was introduced in May 2015, when legislators and staff of Zhogorku Kenesh, government, president and Ministry of Economic Affairs (responsible for RIA) lived in expectation of summer vacations.  Moreover, it was the year of regular parliamentary elections.
Lawmakers and officials of Kyrgyzstan have developed a practice that all laws passed in the previous convocation remain there. However, the majority of MPs are re-elected to a new term, yet citizens have to suffer from the controversial initiatives of officials without hope of remediation of the situation.
Moreover, no one has ever conducted the analysis of RIA supporting the draft law. Opinions of the Ministry of Economic Affairs and the administrative office of Zhogorku Kenesh are limited to the citation of sections and chapters required by the approved RIA methodology. Besides, this form of opinion is legalised by statutory regulation. Somewhere in the depths of Zhogorku Kenesh there is a regulation on compulsory expert examinations (anti-corruption, gender-based, human rights, environmental, etc.), yet almost no draft law has ever been examined.
The similar situation is seen in some laws passed both at the initiative of MPs, and on the motion of government authorities. Overall, certain elements of “fool-proof system” do exist, yet they make any protection of citizens impossible or they are simply ignored. In the modern history of Kyrgyzstan, no one has ever been held liable for such violations, rather officials keep on taking their offices, getting promotions and government awards, receiving dividends from businessmen and other pleasant “surprises.”
Divergent trajectories
The majority of plenary sessions of the parliament are almost half-empty. Photo: kenesh.kg
In the parliament of Kyrgyzstan, just like in other parliaments of the world, MPs are conditionally divided into three groups: “politicians”, “workers”, and “speechless”. Depending on the parliament size, there can be about three to eight MPs-“politicians.” These people are rather active, often appear in the media, and are known to the majority of population. Their performance factor is based on the number of their speeches within the parliament, in the media and during round-table discussions.
MPs – “workers” are not so widely known to the public, yet they are known to experts  because such legislators work at draft laws. This category of legislators adds value to the parliament. There are about 10 to 20 of such legislators, yet they are not the ones who make the difference within the parliament.
“Politicians” determining the legislative agenda and “speechless” MPs, which constitute the majority, voting for any draft laws that are potentially beneficial for them, make the difference. In Russian practice, they are called a “bog”, and in Kyrgyz practice, they are called “fish” (“balyk deputat”).
The situation is characterised by another circumstance. Wolfgang Grundinger in his book, Alte Säcke Politik. Wie wir unsere Zukunft verspielen, called the best political book of 2017, has arrived at a conclusion that, “In democracy, the politics is focused on the strongest group of voters. Today, this is the elderly people. We can see the consequences during the election campaign, when such problems of younger people as education and digitalisation are almost being ignored.” In Kyrgyzstan, the similar approach is being used – election campaigns are focused on the most active group of voters – pensioners and state-paid workers. Their grievances against the laws adopted can be reduced by increased wages and pensions. A similar approach allows interest groups among MPs, officials and businessmen pursue their long-term goals by decreasing the remonstrative potential of the population by short-term investments using republican budget funds.
Therefore, we can state that the trajectories of interests of the new (eight-year old) parliament of Kyrgyzstan and ordinary voters are essentially different.
In Kyrgyzstan, interest groups affect adversely the functioning of the political system because they are the agents of private, not public influence on political decision-making. Everything that is happening in Kyrgyz politics is a result of machinations of various business groups, corporations, etc.
Negative influence is caused by the following circumstances:
First, similar interest groups create unequal opportunities for various social groups in political decision-making, in particular, by exempting them from income tax, facilitating soft loans for land plots and their transformation, expedited movement of goods through customs border, etc.
Second, such groups encourage inefficient economic policies: “influential” interest groups in fact impede the reallocation of resources and changes, which leaves people in need without support. This situation can be observed in the banking sector. Microfinance companies established to assist the poor and extremely poor have actually opened banks for citizens with average-for-Kyrgyzstan incomes for grants received. Sadly enough, the process has been headed and launched by the citizens of countries declaring assistance (by the example of Grameen Bank) to the poorest social groups and allocating grants to this end. A formal resemblance is that they started as microfinance organisations and then turned into banks. However, there’s a world of difference between them – the poor in Kyrgyzstan has never become the middle class. Moreover, MPs have had to respond firmly to the massive devastation and impoverishment of the middle class who have found themselves in debt to microfinance organisations. Thus, new banks have emerged by arbitrary decision.
Third, interest groups arrogate the exclusive right to represent public interests.  The very principle of representation is being perverted and is limited to the deals of interest groups and public officials (including MPs). Interest groups tend to represent themselves rather than citizens. Thus, if legislators work in the parliament, their children, nephews, brothers and sister, husbands and wives, fathers and mothers work in local administrations, state administrative bodies, and run family businesses. The similar monopoly is peculiar to non-democratic political regimes, which means the end of democratic transition period.
The divergent trajectories of goals and objectives of MPs, officials and businessmen and of the expectations of ordinary people are the factors contributing to the growth of the re-Islamisation of the population and the radicalisation of young people. The people’s discontent with their situation is channelled to the parliament and the government that have turned into the symbols of instability and inefficiency, although it is just a result of activity of interest groups longing to monopolise the representation of public interests. 
What can be done?
kenesh.kg
Every country’s parliament has overlapping and complex political, regional and individual ambitions.  Therefore, a parliament can become a democratic authority only if its MPs and officials serve to ensure the territorial integrity and people’s welfare. In this case, the parliament and civil society organisations act as real guarantors of individual, human and citizens’ freedom.
After the 2010 constitutional referendum in Kyrgyzstan, the value of political parties in the life of the state has significantly increased. The new variety of the party system affects the organisation and activities of the whole state mechanism and its key state legal institutions: elections, parliament (composition, alignment of forces, relations between parliament and government, etc.).
The expanded activities of the government are accompanied by the growing impact of career officials at local levels. The increasing number of statutory instruments issued by the government beyond the parliament’s control often distorts the laws already adopted. It creates the new relations between the parliament and the government.
One more trend should be noted – current interest groups use mechanisms of direct influence on state institutions less frequently, and often try to influence public opinion.
Improving the efficiency of Zhogorku Kenesh performance depends on the self-discipline of MPs and the active participation of young people in elections. If young citizens of the country fail to become the most active, and thus influential, group of voters, the emerging negative trends will only gather pace. In this case, Kyrgyzstan would be seen as a country with family-clan regimes in local administration.
We have already received political and image dividends from the strengthened powers of Zhogorku Kenesh as a result of constitutions reforms of 2010 and 2017. Now we’d like to see practical and economic dividends for the country and its citizens, rather than for certain businessmen and their companies.


This article was prepared as part of the Giving Voice, Driving Change – from the Borderland to the Steppes Project implemented with the financial support of the Foreign Ministry of Norway.

Religious Radicalization of Women in Kyrgyzstan

“In connection with the growth of religiosity and conservatism in Kyrgyzstan’s population, gender discriminatory practices unfortunately become normal despite the fact that official policies and formal norms say otherwise” – states Chinara Esengul, Ph.D. in an article for CABAR.asia.


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Mistakes and lessons of the "fifth" power transfer in Kyrgyzstan

“If Atambayev weighs the whole course of events leading to an extremely unprofitable situation for him, he can identify for himself a few of his mistakes. For Jeenbekov, these errors by Atambayev can be relevant lessons at an early stage of his presidential term” – notes Emil Juraev, writing specially for CABAR.asia.
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The Primary Tendencies and Problems Facing the Development of Kyrgyzstan’s Media Sphere

“Kyrgyzstan in Central Asia is a good example of how even a more or less free Fourth Estate can remain unable to affect change in society if key institutions and Western-style governance practices are not functioning and there is a lack of any “civil society ownership” on a mass scale,” – Political scientist Denis Berdakov examines the problems facing the development of the Kyrgyzstani media environment in this cabar.asia exclusive.


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Kyrgyzstan Will Elect a New President in 2017

“With the presidential election in less than a year, the president and his party need to make remarkable efforts in a short period of time, given the low rating of the Social Democratic Party in the last election, in order to regain the population’s trust” – expert Zarema Askarova, writing specially for cabar.asia, analyzes the political situation in Kyrgyzstan.


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Kyrgyzstan’s Unconventional Problem with Human Trafficking

“It must be recognized that the problem of human trafficking is not conventional for Kyrgyzstan in the sense that the authorities do not fully understand what means and methods must be used to deal with, prevent, and detect these crimes,” – expert Atai Moldobaev, writing specially for cabar.asia, uncovers important aspects of the problem of human trafficking.


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Challenges and Achievements in The Implementation of the Concept of State Policy in the Religion Sphere in Kyrgyzstan

“Since the time of Independence, it is for the first time that a systematic work is being carried out to improve the quality of religious education; attempts are being made to reform religious studies; researches are being conducted on the religious situation in the country and the causes of radicalization of individuals”, – expert opinion of Indira Aslanova, specially for cabar.asia, as to what questions on religious issues should be given priority.


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Administrative Problems of Kyrgyzstan’s State Budget

“Upkeep of the state apparatus should not exceed 15% of GDP, and anything greater should automatically invoke criminal responsibility upon members of the Kyrgyz Republic’s government,” – economist Iskender Sharsheyev, writing specially for cabar.asia, shares his views on Kyrgyzstan’s administration of the state budget.


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The Issues in Regulating Migration Flows in Kyrgyzstan

“From time to time there is discussion of the necessity of resorting to methods of stimulating the return of migrants. Migration, as a rule, weakens the economy of the sending country due to the drain on its human resources and becomes a source of conflict in the receiving country between local residents and the recent arrivals,” – Economist Nazik Beishenali examines the possible solutions for Kyrgyzstan’s migration problem in this cabar.asia exclusive. (more…)

Eldos Abakhanov

Deputy Chairperson of the "Kazakhstan Association of Environmental Organizations"

Kanatbek Abdiev

Independent Researcher, Master in Conflict, Security and Development at King’s College of London

Marufjon Abdujaborov

Chief Specialist at the Strategic Research Center Under the President of Tajikistan. Participant of CABAR.asia School of Analytics (Dushanbe)

Rashid Ghani Abdullo

Independent expert

Rustam Azizi

Deputy Director of the Center for Islamic Studies under the President of the Republic of Tajikistan

Ainura Akmatalieva

Expert on Foreign Policy of Central Asian States, Candidate of Political Sciences, Associate Professor at KRSU (Bishkek)

Iskander Akylbayaev

Researcher of KazISS, the Department of Foreign Policy and International Security

Guldastasho Alibakhshev

Researcher at the Center of Sociological Research "Zerkalo", CABAR.asia School of Analytics participant (Dushanbe)

Bakhtiyor Alimdjanov

Independent researcher, Ph.D in History (Tashkent)

Dimash Alzhanov

Political scientist, member of "Oyan, Kazakhstan" movement (Almaty).

Nailya Almukhamedova

Director General of the Parasat System Research Institute; participant of the School of Analytics cabar.asia (Astana)

Anna Alshanskaya

Researcher, participant of the CABAR.asia School of Analytics (Nur-Sultan)

Farkhod Aminjonov

Ph.D., senior researcher at the Eurasian Research Institute

Aydar Amrebayev

Head of the Center for Political Science and International Studies

Mahram Anvarzod

Islamic scholar

Hamidjon Arifov

PhD. in geological-mineralogical sciences, Tajik Committee of the International Commission on Large Dams, Lead Researcher at the Tajik Institute of Water Issues, Hydropower and Ecology

Zarema Askarova

Independent expert

Indira Aslanova

Expert on religious studies

Slyamzhar Akhmedzharov

Researcher at the Kazakhstan Institute for Strategic Studies under the President of the Republic of Kazakhstan, participant of CABAR.asia School of Analytics

Anvar Babayev

PhD in Economics, Head Analyst and Director of the Population Migration Section of the Tajik Academy of Science’s Institute of Economics and Demographics

Erzhan Bagdatov

Executive Director of the Center of Media Technologies

Erkin Baydarov

Leading researcher of the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Ministry of Education and Science of Kazakhstan

Sheradil Baktygulov

Independent expert

Serik Beysembayev

Sociologist

Nazik Beishenaly

President, Union of Cooperatives of Kyrgyzstan

Nurbek Bekmurzaev

Independent researcher, participant of cabar.asia School of Analytics (Bishkek)

Danil Bekturganov

President of the Public Foundation "Civil Expertise"

Denis Berdakov

Political scientist

Gulmira Birzhanova

Lawyer, expert in the field of national and international media law, Kazakhstan

Valentin Bogatyrev

Head of the analytical consortium "Perspective"

Merali Bodurshozoda

Konstantin Bondarenko

Economist

Anton Bugaenko

Sinologist, chief expert of the Chinese and Asian studies program at the Institute of World Economics and Politics (Kazakhstan)

Yuriy Buluktayev

Political scientist, Сhief researcher at the Institute of Philosophy, Political Science and Religious Studies of the National Academy of Science of the Republic of Kazakhstan (Almaty)

Muslimbek Buriev

Political scientist, participant of cabar.asia School of Analytics (Dushanbe)

Rustam Burnashev

Political scientist

Muazama Burkhanova

Head of the environmental organization Dastgiri Center, Tajikistan; Independent Environmental Impact Assessment Specialist

Mereke Gabdualiev

Сonstitutional lawyer, director of the public foundation “Institute for the Development of Constitutionalism and Democracy”

Alexander Galiyev

Editor of Computerworld.kz

Makhmud Giyosov

Political scientist (Dushanbe)

Gulyaev Sergey

General Director of PF "Decenta"

Anna Gusarova

Director of the Central Asian Institute for Strategic Studies (Almaty)

Zoir Davlatov

Independent expert

Nurali Davlatov

Journalist-Analyst

Nazima Davletova

Editor-in-chief of "Interview" media project, online edition of Gazeta.uz

Zarina Dadabayeva

Doctor of Political Science, Professor at Russian State Humanitarian University, Leading scientific worker at the Post-Soviet Studies Research Center, Institute of Economics, Russian Academy of Sciences

Emil Djuraev

Political scientist, Associate Professor of the OSCE Academy (Bishkek)

Salamat Dzhybykeev

International Relations Specialist (Bishkek)

Svetlana Dzardanova

Political scientist, coordinator of Research and Training of the OSCE Academy in Bishkek

Sergey Domnin

Chief editor of “Expert Kazakhstan” magazine

Asel Doolotkeldieva

Ph.D., political scientist

Roza Duisheeva

Candidate of Political Sciences, Associate Professor of the Department of International Relations and Social Sciences of the International Kuwait University; participant of the cabar.asia School of Analytics (Bishkek)

Berikbol Dukeyev

Political scientist, PhD researcher at the Australian National University.

Bakhtier Ergashev

Director of the Center for Political Initiatives "Māno"

Sarvar Jalolov

International Relations Specialist (Tashkent)

Zamira Zholdaskyzy

Analyst at the Center for the Development of Labor Resources of the Republic of Kazakhstan, participant of CABAR.asia School of Analytics (Nur-Sultan)

Zaynab Dost

Independent expert

Galiya Ibragimova

Independent expert

Tamerlan Ibraimov

Director of the Center for Political and Legal Studies

Timur Idrisov

Independent Expert (Tajikistan)

Ruslan Izimov

Sinologist, head of the "Eurasian Studies Program" of the Institute for World Economics and Politics under the Foundation of First President of the Kazakhstan, director of the Center for China Studies in Central Asia "Synopsys"

Alisher Ilkhamov

Independent Researcher (London)

Muratbek Imanaliev

Sinologist, ex-Minister of Foreign Affairs and ex-secretary of the SCO (Kyrgyzstan)

Fabio Indeo

Specialist in geopolitics in Central Asia

Zamira Isakova

Master in Politics and Security at the OSCE Academy, Regional Coordinator of Saferworld Programs in Central Asia (Kyrgyzstan)

Kosimsho Iskandarov

Head of Conflict Resolution and Regional Research Center in association with the Academy of Sciences

Chyngyz Israyilov

Lecturer of the Department of International Relations, Osh State University, Project Coordinator of Saferworld

Aizhan Kakenova

Researcher in the field of gender inequality and minority rights, Master of Arts, School of Humanities and Social Sciences Nazarbayev University (Nur-Sultan)

Amina Kalmamatova

cabar.asia intern

Lesya Karataeva

Ph.D. is Chief Researcher at the Kazakhstan Institute for Strategic Studies under the President of the Republic of Kazakhstan

Nuriddin Karshiboyev

Chairman of the National Association of Independent Media of Tajikistan

Yerlan Kassym

Specialist in energy policy, green economy and alternative energy. Government and Public Relations adviser at Royal Dutch Shell in Kazakhstan (Nur-Sultan)

Ekaterina Kasymova

Independent expert

Adil Kaukenov

Sinologist, political scientist

Kamila Kovyazina

Sociologist, researcher in public policy (Nur-Sultan, Kazakhstan)

Turonbek Kozokov

cabar.asia intern

Galina Kolodzinskaia

Expert on Religion, Politics, and Security in Central Asia (Bishkek)

Iskandar Qonunov

Political scientist

Alla Kuvatova

Sociologist, PhD

Kodir Kuliev

Anti-Corruption and Human Rights Expert (Tashkent)

Zaynidin Kurmanov

Professor of the Kyrgyz-Russian Slavic University

Aidarkhan Kusainov

Financial analyst and general director of the Almagest Management and Strategy Consulting Company

Konstantin Larionov

Researcher, analyst (Bishkek)

Oleg Limanov

Expert (Uzbekistan)

Manuchehra Madjonova

Senior Economic Consultant of Secretariat of the Consultative Council on Improvement of Investment Climate under the President of the Republic of Tajikistan

Nazik Mamedova

Independent researcher, participant of CABAR.asia School of analytics (Bishkek)

Talgat Mamyrayimov

Independent expert

Marinin Sergey

Independent Analyst (Kazakhstan)

Tansuluu Matieva

Independent researcher, participant of the School of Analysts CABAR.asia

Dilmira Matyakubova

Independent researcher (Tashkent)

Askar Mashayev

Political commentator (Almaty)

Takhir Mirdzhaparov

Chairman of the Republican Association of Foster Families of the Chuvash Republic, Director of the Nadezhda Charitable Fund for the Support of Orphans

Michael Petrushkov

Chairman of the Business Development Center of the Republic of Tajikistan

Kairat Moldashev

Professor - Researcher of the Narxoz University (Almaty)

Atay Moldobaev

Head of “Prudent Solutions” Analytical Department

Anton Morozov

Ph.D., political scientist

Alibek Mukambaev

President of the Agency for Strategic Initiatives "Eurasia", political scientist (Kyrgyzstan)

Parviz Mullodjanov

Ph.D. political scientist, политолог, orientalist and independent researcher from Tajikistan

Anar Musabaeva

Independent political analyst (Bishkek)

Aigerim Mussabalinova

An expert in the field of civil law of the Republic of Kazakhstan and international law on the protection of the rights of children and women.

Marat Musuraliev

Economist, Deputy Director of Smart Business Solutions Central Asia

Elmira Nogoibayeva

Head of the Analytical Center "Policy Asia"

Zhaslan Nurbaev

Associate Professor at Gumilyov Eurasian National University, participant of the CABAR.asia School of Analytics (Nur-Sultan)

Aslan Nurzhanov

Project Manager at Eurasian center for people management, participant of CABAR.asia School of Analytics (Nur-Sultan)

Dinara Nurusheva

Researcher

Diana Okremova

Director of the “Legal Media Centre” Public Foundation

Edil Osmonbetov

Political scientist

Dinara Oshurahunova

Human rights activist, member of the international parliamentary monitoring network (Bishkek)

Lidiya Parkhomchik

Senior Researcher, Eurasian Research Institute

Bakhrom Radjabov

Political economist, PhD (Tashkent)

Anastasiya Reshetnyak

Senior Researcher of the Kazakhstan Institute of Strategic Studies

Sherali Rizoyon

Political Scientist (Dushanbe)

Gulzada Rysbekova

Independent Researcher in International Relations (Bishkek)

Jaksylyk Sabitov

PhD, Eurasian National University

Maral Sagynalieva

Independent researcher, participant of CABAR.asia School of analytics (Bishkek)

Sanjar Saidov

Political scientist, PhD (Tashkent)

Rauf Salahodjaev

Economist, Senior Researcher at International Westminster University (Tashkent)

Sardor Salim

Political Scientist (Tashkent)

Farrukh Salimov

PhD in History, Head of Diplomacy and Foreign Policy Department of Tajik National University

Yuriy Sarukhanyan

International Relations Specialist. Participant of the cabar.asia School of Analysts (Tashkent).

Rafael Sattarov

Political scientist

Aiym Saurambayeva

Lawyer in International Law, Master of Human Rights and Democratization (Almaty, Kazakhstan)

Steve Swerdlow

Human rights lawyer and professor of human rights in the Department of Political Science and International Relations at the University of Southern California.

Petr Svoik

Political scientist

Inga Sikorskaia

Program director of the School of peacemaking and media technology in Central Asia

Olga Simakova

Public Fund "Center for Social and Political Studies ‘Strategy’"

Doriyush Soliev

Independent Analyst (Dushanbe)

Klara Soronkulova

Lawyer, former judge of the Constitutional Chamber of KR Supreme Court

Rustami Sukhrob

International Relations Specialist (Tajikistan): Phd candidate, Ural Federal University, Department of Theory and History of International Relations

Konstantin Syroejkin

PhD., leading Kazakhstani Sinologist

Alisher Taksanov

Independent expert

Azamat Temirkulov

Associate Professor, Doctor of Political Sciences (Bishkek)

Anuar Temirov

Analyst, participant of the CABAR.asia's school of analysts (Nur-Sultan)

Baurzhan Tolegenov

Political commentator (Nur-Sultan)

Medet Tyulegenov

Head of the Department of “International and Comparative Politics”, AUCA

Akram Umarov

Independent expert, project coordinator of the Development Strategy Center (Uzbekistan)

Arsen Usenov

Political scientist (Bishkek)

Esen Usubaliev

Head of the analytical center "Prudent Solutions", specialist in international relations

Farkhod Tolipov

Political scientist, the director of the non-governmental scientific and educational institution "Bilim Carvoni" (Tashkent, Uzbekistan)

Komron Khidoyatzoda

Editor of diplomatic messenger "MISSION"

Yevgeniy Khon

Economist

Khursand Khurramov

Political scientist

Andrey Chebotaryov

Director оf Centre for Contemporary Research «Alternativa» (Kazakhstan)

Ajar Chekirova

PhD candidate at the Department of Political Science at the University of Illinois in Chicago

Irina Chernykh

Chief Researcher at the Kazakhstan Institute for Strategic Studies under the President of the Republic of Kazakhstan, Doctor of History, Professor

Sherzod Shamiev

Graduate of the OSCE Academy, researcher at the Z-Analytics (Tajikistan)

Bahrom Sharipov

PhD in Economics

Iskender Sharsheev

Economist, Executive Director of the Association of Foreign Investors (Bishkek)

Eratov Iskender

Independent expert

Chinara Esengul

Senior Advisor for the conflicts prevention, UNDP

Guly Yuldasheva

Dilmurad Yusupov

PhD student at the Institute of Development Studies of the University of Sussex, participant of CABAR.asia School of Analytics (Tashkent)

Yuliy Yusupov

Economist, director of Center for Economic Development (Tashkent)

Ildar Yakubov

Candidate of Political Sciences (Tashkent)