Analytics on Central Asia are relevant for a young region that is still experiencing a period of its development. The section is a source of information for a wide range of readers interested in socio-political processes, issues of regional security and economic development, as well as foreign policy in the countries of Central Asia.

The publication “State Management in Central Asia during the COVID-19 Pandemic ” was developed by Aydar Amrebayev on the basis of the IWPR Representative Office in Central Asia and the regional analytical platform (more…)


The third month of 2021 in Central Asia was remembered for the rapid increase in the incidence of coronavirus, the strengthening of quarantine measures, the purchase of vaccines, start of vaccination, the state visits of Sadyr Japarov to neighboring countries, active negotiations on border issues and the detention of bloggers in different countries. 

The analytical platform presents a brief overview of the major events in the region over the past month.


The article examines the consequences of the decision made by the government of Uzbekistan in 1993 to transform the Uzbek language into Latin script, and also analyzes the recent decisions on the accelerated completion of this process.



February 2021 in Central Asia will be remembered for the commenced vaccination against coronavirus, active intraregional visits, arrests, some protests, and a relatively stable epidemiological situation. The analytical platform presents a brief overview of the most significant events in the region over the past month.


The role of ethno-confessional factors in the process of intra-Afghan dialogue is fundamental and crucial, says Farzad Ramezani Bonesh, Senior Researcher and Analyst of International Affairs. In his opinion, a lasting peace in this country is possible only if the rights of all ethnic and religious groups are respected.

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Taliban delegation arrived in Doha in May 2019 for talks. Photo: Associated Press

Summary of the article:

– The factor of ethnicity in Afghanistan has been politicized;

– The events of recent years have made the role of ethno-religious elements in the process of inter-Afghan dialogue very important;

– The Taliban consider ethnic, religious, political, and linguistic diversity as a threat;

– Non-Pashtun leaders disagree with the Taliban on the future of the state structure in Afghanistan;

– Lasting peace will not be achieved if the authorities sacrifice the rights of ethnic and religious negorities in negotiations with the Taliban

Afghanistan is the home to a rainbow of cultural, linguistic, racial and even religious diversity. ‌The largest ethnic group includes about forty percent of the country’s population. Sixty percent of the rest of the country’s population is made up of large or smaller ethnic groups.

Also, more than half of the country’s population speaks Persian and the majority of them are Hanafi Muslims. This diversity is while the ethnicity in Afghanistan has become increasingly politicized.

In fact, ethnic, religious, and linguistic differences are not inherently problematic. But past challenges have made the role of ethnic-religious elements in the inter-Afghan dialogue process very prominent.

The Role of Ethnic-Religious Factors in the Taliban approach to the Inter-Afghan Dialogue Process

In fact, in the past, ethnicity and religion have played an important role in gaining power of the Taliban and renewing its strength. They were quite a fundamentalist tribal group in the Pashtun areas near Pakistan border.

In the past, the Taliban had an ethnic attitude towards non-Pashtun Sunnis and a religious attitude towards non-Sunni people.

In the past, the Taliban had an ethnic attitude towards non-Pashtun Sunnis and a religious attitude towards non-Sunni people. As a result, during Taliban rule, Afghanistan witnessed a deadly crackdown on ethnic and religious movements.

In the meantime, although many believe that the Taliban have been changed and understand the new realities of Afghan society, their understanding of Sharia and Islam yet remains authoritarian.

In fact, although the neo-Taliban try to present themselves as more up-to-date and changed and emphasize the presence of other ethnicities in the body of their leadership, but their perception of the Qur’an and the Sunnah, reasoning and logic is such that they also see ethnic, religious, political, and linguistic diversity as a kind of conspiracy and danger

In addition, the role of Sunni fundamentalism and their Pashtun ethnicity is still evident in the Taliban’s approach to peace, the issue of the country’s official religions, and equal rights for religious minorities. In fact, the ethnic-religious variable still plays an important role in their demand for a dominant power in Afghanistan (without separation of powers and elections), the Islamic system of the Islamic Emirate with the absolute power of the Emir and pays little attention to the multiple realities of society.

In addition, the variables of Pashtun ethnicity and Sunni Taliban fundamentalism have put political and pragmatic leaders under pressure from the middle-ranking leaders and military commanders to change their views and positions in the inter-Afghan dialogue process. This adds to the Taliban’s policy of ambiguity.

On the other hand, the Taliban have to make concessions and retreats that are inconsistent with the Taliban’s Sunni ethnic and fundamentalist ideals in order to maintain their presence in inter-Afghan talks. This complicates the process of dialogue.

The Role of Ethnic-Religious Factors in the Government’s Approach to the Inter-Afghan Talks

First of all, it should be noted that ethnic-religious factors have played an important role in the formation of the current inclusive government. Meanwhile, the first meeting of the leadership committee of the Supreme National Reconciliation Council was held after a delay of nearly seven months.

According to the political agreement between the President and the chief of the High Council for Reconciliation, this committee has full authority to decide on the promotion and management of peace. In fact, although the United States, the European Union, and the Afghan people welcomed the start of the leadership committee, but the fact is those ethnic-religious factors played an important role in delaying it.  The High Council for Reconciliation needs to resolve team differences and tensions, division of power and internal disputes in order to form and build internal, regional and international consensus.

The most serious concern is the lack of political consensus among Afghan politicians, parties and ethnic and religious political elites between the two teams of Ghani and Abdullah. Because the High Council of Reconciliation has 48 members, but apart from differences over the type of list of members of the High Peace Council, if there is a sharp difference of opinion, it will affect the negotiation process in favor of the Taliban.

Thus, on the opposition front of the Taliban, ethnic-religious factors could have a negative or positive impact on the agreement over their internal disputes. In this case, they can negotiate with the Taliban to establish a ceasefire, a participatory government, amend the constitution, and so on.

In another dimension, peace is a national priority and an urgent need of the Afghan people. But in fact, the role of ethnic-religious elements in the process of inter-Afghan dialogue is positive as long as it is accompanied by the rights of ethnic and religious minorities in order to achieve peace, not the collapse of legal and social achievements after 2001.

In the meantime, the ethnic-religious factors can play an important role in the type of individuals selected at the negotiating table, the dynamics and continuation of negotiations for a comprehensive peace agreement, avoiding challenges and unilateral policy-making.

In addition to this, ethnic-religious factors is decisive for further talks and discussion over the role of religion in the future system of Afghanistan, the constitutional rights of Afghan citizens, especially for ethnic and religious minorities (Chapter II of the Constitution), protection of religious rights and freedoms of religious minorities and Shiites. Because ethnic and religious elites will play an important role in agreement or disagreement over any decision to form a participatory government, the type of democratic system and the post-peace system (Taliban and the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan), a decentralized system or a central government.

In other words, what will change after the constitution and political system of Afghanistan after 2004 and based on what mechanism; if the rights of minorities is protected or not; and the recruitment of Taliban fighters into the structure of Afghanistan’s security forces requires the consent of ethnic and religious elites.

Under these circumstances, lasting peace will not be achieved if the rights of the country’s ethnic and religious minorities are diminished in order to gain the Taliban’s favorable opinion…

The role of specific ethnic-religious groups in the process of inter-Afghan dialogue

Undoubtedly, specific ethnic-religious parties and groups in Afghanistan, especially the four ethnic groups of Pashtun, Tajik, Hazara and Uzbek, play an important and fundamental role in the country’s political scene. Pashtun and Tajik ethnic-religious parties and groups are the two main contenders. The main concentration of Pashtuns is in the south and east and Tajiks in the north, center and west. The next ethnic-religious parties and groups in Afghanistan, which is the Hazaras (mostly Shiites) are mostly based in the center and the Hazarajat.[1]

The Uzbeks live in the north of the country. Other ethnic and religious minorities such as Ismailis, Turkmen, etc. have much less population, role and influence compared to the four ethnic-religious groups.

The Afghan government has previously appointed a delegation to promote inter-Afghan peace talks, chaired by Masoom Stanekzai. This board includes all the influential factions and strata of the society among the ethnic and religious parties and factions of the country.

In fact, figures such as Mohammad Masoom Stanekzai and Fatemeh Gilani (Pashtun), Abdul Hafiz Mansour and Fawzia Kofi (Tajik), Habibeh Sarabi (Hazara) Bator Dostum (Uzbek) from the four main ethnic groups of the country along with other personalities of the two religious minorities of Shiite and Ismaili like Seyed Saadat Mansour Naderi (Ismaili) are present in the negotiating team.[2]

In the meantime, many of the figures in the negotiating team and the National Reconciliation Council of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan must be practically close to the country’s ethnic and religious groups and leaders.[3]

Demands of leaders of ethnic-religious groups in negotiations with the Taliban

The kind of the future of the system in Afghanistan is one of the most important issues for the leaders of ethnic and religious groups in peace talks with the Taliban. In fact, the Taliban is seeking a regime change from the root.

But preserving the republic is the red line for the leaders of Tajik Hazara and Uzbek ethnic and religious groups in negotiations with the Taliban

Although the Taliban is in favor of a strong and independent central system, the separation of powers, proper participation of the people, the fundamental rights of citizens, the proper role of the opposition and minorities are among the demands of Tajik, Hazara and Uzbek, Turkmen, and other ethnic and religious groups.

In addition, more moderate and secular Pashtun ethnic groups appear to be afraid of declining power in the face of increasing Taliban (fundamentalist and predominantly Pashtun) power. However, leaders of Tajik, Hazara and Uzbek ethnic and religious groups are also afraid of making significant concessions to the Taliban and withdrawing all US forces.

Also most of the leaders of Tajik, Hazara and Uzbek ethnic and religious groups and some Pashtun ethnic and religious leaders such as Hekmatyar and Karzai, have a positive view of the Provisional Government and consider it a factor in transferring power, creating grounds for compromise, and distribution of power and making change in the constitution.

The faction of Tajik figures, along with other major Hazara and Uzbek parties, along with defending the republic and maintaining structures, now appear to have shifted the change of the system from presidential to parliamentary in the peace process, to their most important strategy.

However, neither Dr. Ghani’s faction nor the Taliban accept this view.

In particular, it seems that the Tajik figures, along with other major Hazara and Uzbek parties do not want the returning of the Taliban to the power to pave the way for the elimination of some political factions in the face of the complete strengthening of the Pashtuns (the Taliban and the Pashtun parties and figures of the government).


Inter-Afghan peace talks began a  and have stalled due to disagreements over the basic framework of the debate and the role of ethnic-religious elements. Ethno-religious elements affect the approach of the Afghan government’and the Taliban over differences on the peace negotiating agenda (more than 20 articles).

In the meantime, it should be noted that the signing of a peace agreement or the domination of the Taliban in Afghanistan, regardless of ethnic and religious factors, the acceptance of ethnic and religious diversity of the opposition in the constitution will not lead to lasting peace.

The art of negotiation is also creating a new framework for reconciling widespread ethnic and religious differences. So much so that ethnic-religious minorities are not harmed by the presence of the Taliban, and the Taliban do not consider their existence and presence a threat to themselves.  In this context, it should be said that the role of ethnic-religious factors in the future of the process of dialogue within Afghanistan is fundamental and crucial.

In fact, ethnic-religious variables can practically play the role of accelerator, barrier, facilitator, positive and negative in the future of dialogue, whether between any of the negotiating teams or between the two sides of the dialogue. This makes it more difficult or time consuming to reach the final point in the conversation.

This article was prepared as part of the «Giving Voice, Driving Change – from the Borderland to the Steppes Project»

[1] .

[2] .



An expert from Uzbekistan, Ildar Yakubov, in the article specially for, analyzes the activation of the country in the southern direction and tries to understand what obstacles exist on the way to intensify interaction with the countries of South Asia


The first month of 2021 in the countries of Central Asia began with parliamentary and presidential elections in Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan, the purchase of various vaccines for coronavirus, periodic protests, and an ambiguous epidemiological situation in different countries. 

The analytical platform presents a brief overview of the major events in the region over the past month.


In this publication we propose to think about how interested the population of Central Asian states is in migrating to the EU? (more…)


Despite the transformation of many processes due to the coronavirus pandemic, the past 2020 was marked by significant events for the Central Asian countries. The editorial staff of the analytical platform interviewed famous political scientists in the region to mark the most important events of 2020 and to analyze the development of events and trends for 2021.


December 2020 in Central Asia is remembered for the start of the election campaign in Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan; high-level official meetings of the CIS and CSTO; arrangements for the new 2021; several protests; power outages and the still tenuous epidemiological situation in the region. 

The analytical platform presents a brief overview of the major events in the region over the past month. (more…)

Eldos Abakhanov
Deputy Chairperson of the "Kazakhstan Association of Environmental Organizations"
Kanatbek Abdiev
Independent Researcher, Master in Conflict, Security and Development at King’s College of London
Marufjon Abdujaborov
Chief Specialist at the Strategic Research Center Under the President of Tajikistan. Participant of School of Analytics (Dushanbe)
Rashid Ghani Abdullo
Independent expert
Independent researcher, participant of the School of Analysts
Rustam Azizi
Deputy Director of the Center for Islamic Studies under the President of the Republic of Tajikistan
Ainura Akmatalieva
Founder of the Institute for Perspective Policy, PhD in Political Sciences, Associate Professor at the KRSU (Bishkek)
Iskander Akylbayaev
Researcher of KazISS, the Department of Foreign Policy and International Security
Guldastasho Alibakhshev
Researcher at the Center of Sociological Research "Zerkalo", School of Analytics participant (Dushanbe)
Bakhtiyor Alimdjanov
Independent researcher, Ph.D in History (Tashkent)
Dimash Alzhanov
Political scientist, member of "Oyan, Kazakhstan" movement (Almaty).
Nailya Almukhamedova
Director General of the Parasat System Research Institute; participant of the School of Analytics (Astana)
Anna Alshanskaya
Researcher, participant of the School of Analytics (Nur-Sultan)
Farkhod Aminjonov
Ph.D., senior researcher at the Eurasian Research Institute
Aydar Amrebayev
Head of the Center for Political Science and International Studies
Mahram Anvarzod
Islamic scholar
Hamidjon Arifov
PhD. in geological-mineralogical sciences, Tajik Committee of the International Commission on Large Dams, Lead Researcher at the Tajik Institute of Water Issues, Hydropower and Ecology
Eldar Asanov
Junior Researcher of the Academy of Sciences of the Republic of Uzbekistan, participant of the School of Analytics (Tashkent)
Zarema Askarova
Independent expert
Indira Aslanova
Expert on religious studies
Slyamzhar Akhmedzharov
Researcher at the Kazakhstan Institute for Strategic Studies under the President of the Republic of Kazakhstan, participant of School of Analytics
Anvar Babayev
PhD in Economics, Head Analyst and Director of the Population Migration Section of the Tajik Academy of Science’s Institute of Economics and Demographics
Erzhan Bagdatov
Executive Director of the Center of Media Technologies
Erkin Baydarov
Leading researcher of the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Ministry of Education and Science of Kazakhstan
Sheradil Baktygulov
Independent expert
Serik Beysembayev
Nazik Beishenaly
President, Union of Cooperatives of Kyrgyzstan
Nurbek Bekmurzaev
Independent researcher, participant of School of Analytics (Bishkek)
Danil Bekturganov
President of the Public Foundation "Civil Expertise"
Denis Berdakov
Political scientist
Gulmira Birzhanova
Lawyer, expert in the field of national and international media law, Kazakhstan
Valentin Bogatyrev
Head of the analytical consortium "Perspective"
Merali Bodurshozoda
Konstantin Bondarenko
Farzad Ramezani Bonesh
Journalist and expert in international relations
Anton Bugaenko
Sinologist, chief expert of the Chinese and Asian studies program at the Institute of World Economics and Politics (Kazakhstan)
Yuriy Buluktayev
Political scientist, Сhief researcher at the Institute of Philosophy, Political Science and Religious Studies of the National Academy of Science of the Republic of Kazakhstan (Almaty)
Muslimbek Buriev
Political scientist, participant of School of Analytics (Dushanbe)
Rustam Burnashev
Political scientist
Muazama Burkhanova
Head of the environmental organization Dastgiri Center, Tajikistan; Independent Environmental Impact Assessment Specialist
Mereke Gabdualiev
Сonstitutional lawyer, director of the public foundation “Institute for the Development of Constitutionalism and Democracy”
Alexander Galiyev
Editor of
Makhmud Giyosov
Political scientist (Dushanbe)
Olga Gulina
Director and Founder of RUSMPI UG - Institute for Migration Policy (Germany)
Gulyaev Sergey
General Director of PF "Decenta"
Anna Gusarova
Director of the Central Asian Institute for Strategic Studies (Almaty)
Zoir Davlatov
Independent expert
Nurali Davlatov
Nazima Davletova
Editor-in-chief of "Interview" media project, online edition of
Zarina Dadabayeva
Doctor of Political Science, Professor at Russian State Humanitarian University, Leading scientific worker at the Post-Soviet Studies Research Center, Institute of Economics, Russian Academy of Sciences
Emil Djuraev
Political scientist, Associate Professor of the OSCE Academy (Bishkek)
Salamat Dzhybykeev
International Relations Specialist (Bishkek)
Svetlana Dzardanova
Expert of the Central Asian Institute for Strategic Studies (CAISS)
Sergey Domnin
Chief editor of “Expert Kazakhstan” magazine
Asel Doolotkeldieva
Ph.D., political scientist
Roza Duisheeva
Candidate of Political Sciences, Associate Professor of the Department of International Relations and Social Sciences of the International Kuwait University; participant of the School of Analytics (Bishkek)
Berikbol Dukeyev
Political scientist, PhD researcher at the Australian National University.
Bakhtier Ergashev
Director of the Center for Political Initiatives "Māno"
Sarvar Jalolov
International Relations Specialist (Tashkent)
Zamira Zholdaskyzy
Analyst at the Center for the Development of Labor Resources of the Republic of Kazakhstan, participant of School of Analytics (Nur-Sultan)
Zhibek Zhorokulova
Researcher, Master's student at the OSCE Academy (Bishkek)
Zaynab Dost
Independent expert
Galiya Ibragimova
Independent expert
Tamerlan Ibraimov
Director of the Center for Political and Legal Studies
Timur Idrisov
Independent Expert (Tajikistan)
Ruslan Izimov
Sinologist, head of the "Eurasian Studies Program" of the Institute for World Economics and Politics under the Foundation of First President of the Kazakhstan, director of the Center for China Studies in Central Asia "Synopsys"
Alisher Ilkhamov
Independent Researcher (London)
Muratbek Imanaliev
Sinologist, ex-Minister of Foreign Affairs and ex-secretary of the SCO (Kyrgyzstan)
Nazik Imanbekova
Economist, participant of the School of Analytics (Bishkek)
Fabio Indeo
Specialist in geopolitics in Central Asia
Zamira Isakova
Master in Politics and Security at the OSCE Academy, Regional Coordinator of Saferworld Programs in Central Asia (Kyrgyzstan)
Kosimsho Iskandarov
Head of Conflict Resolution and Regional Research Center in association with the Academy of Sciences
Chyngyz Israyilov
Lecturer of the Department of International Relations, Osh State University, Project Coordinator of Saferworld
Aizhan Kakenova
Researcher in the field of gender inequality and minority rights, Master of Arts, School of Humanities and Social Sciences Nazarbayev University (Nur-Sultan)
Amina Kalmamatova intern
Lesya Karataeva
Ph.D. is Chief Researcher at the Kazakhstan Institute for Strategic Studies under the President of the Republic of Kazakhstan
Nuriddin Karshiboyev
Chairman of the National Association of Independent Media of Tajikistan
Yerlan Kassym
Specialist in energy policy, green economy and alternative energy. Government and Public Relations adviser at Royal Dutch Shell in Kazakhstan (Nur-Sultan)
Ekaterina Kasymova
Independent expert
Adil Kaukenov
Sinologist, political scientist
Kamila Kovyazina
Sociologist, researcher in public policy (Nur-Sultan, Kazakhstan)
Turonbek Kozokov intern
Galina Kolodzinskaia
Expert on Religion, Politics, and Security in Central Asia (Bishkek)
Iskandar Qonunov
Political scientist
Alla Kuvatova
Sociologist, PhD
Kodir Kuliev
Anti-Corruption and Human Rights Expert (Tashkent)
Adinai Kurmanbekova
International relations specialist, participant of the school of analytics
Zaynidin Kurmanov
Professor of the Kyrgyz-Russian Slavic University
Aidarkhan Kusainov
Financial analyst and general director of the Almagest Management and Strategy Consulting Company
Konstantin Larionov
Researcher, analyst (Bishkek)
Oleg Limanov
Expert (Uzbekistan)
Manuchehra Madjonova
Senior Economic Consultant of Secretariat of the Consultative Council on Improvement of Investment Climate under the President of the Republic of Tajikistan
Nazik Mamedova
Independent researcher, participant of School of analytics (Bishkek)
Talgat Mamyrayimov
Independent expert
Marinin Sergey
Independent Analyst (Kazakhstan)
Tansuluu Matieva
Independent researcher, participant of the School of Analysts
Dilmira Matyakubova
Independent researcher (Tashkent)
Askar Mashayev
Political commentator (Almaty)
Aruzhan Meirkhanova
Political Scientist, School of Sciences and Humanities, Nazarbayev University
Takhir Mirdzhaparov
Chairman of the Republican Association of Foster Families of the Chuvash Republic, Director of the Nadezhda Charitable Fund for the Support of Orphans
Michael Petrushkov
Chairman of the Business Development Center of the Republic of Tajikistan
Kairat Moldashev
Professor - Researcher of the Narxoz University (Almaty)
Atay Moldobaev
Head of “Prudent Solutions” Analytical Department
Anton Morozov
Ph.D., political scientist
Alibek Mukambaev
President of the Agency for Strategic Initiatives "Eurasia", political scientist (Kyrgyzstan)
Parviz Mullodjanov
Ph.D. political scientist, политолог, orientalist and independent researcher from Tajikistan
Anar Musabaeva
Independent political analyst (Bishkek)
Aigerim Mussabalinova
An expert in the field of civil law of the Republic of Kazakhstan and international law on the protection of the rights of children and women.
Marat Musuraliev
Economist, Deputy Director of Smart Business Solutions Central Asia
Independent Researcher (Nur-Sultan, Kazakhstan)
Elmira Nogoibayeva
Head of the Analytical Center "Policy Asia"
Zhaslan Nurbaev
Associate Professor at Gumilyov Eurasian National University, participant of the School of Analytics (Nur-Sultan)
Aslan Nurzhanov
Project Manager at Eurasian center for people management, participant of School of Analytics (Nur-Sultan)
Dinara Nurusheva
Diana Okremova
Director of the “Legal Media Centre” Public Foundation
Edil Osmonbetov
Political scientist
Dinara Oshurahunova
Human rights activist, member of the international parliamentary monitoring network (Bishkek)
Lidiya Parkhomchik
Senior Researcher, Eurasian Research Institute
Bakhrom Radjabov
Political economist, PhD (Tashkent)
Anastasiya Reshetnyak
Senior Researcher of the Kazakhstan Institute of Strategic Studies
Sherali Rizoyon
Political Scientist (Dushanbe)
Gulzada Rysbekova
Independent Researcher in International Relations (Bishkek)
Jaksylyk Sabitov
PhD, Eurasian National University
Maral Sagynalieva
Independent researcher, participant of School of analytics (Bishkek)
Sanjar Saidov
Political scientist, PhD (Tashkent)
Rauf Salahodjaev
Economist, Senior Researcher at International Westminster University (Tashkent)
Sardor Salim
Political Scientist (Tashkent)
Farrukh Salimov
PhD in History, Head of Diplomacy and Foreign Policy Department of Tajik National University
Charles Sullivan
Assistant Professor of Political Science & International Relations in the School of Sciences and Humanities at Nazarbayev University
Yuriy Sarukhanyan
International Relations Specialist. Participant of the School of Analysts (Tashkent).
Rafael Sattarov
Political scientist
Aiym Saurambayeva
Lawyer in International Law, Master of Human Rights and Democratization (Almaty, Kazakhstan)
Steve Swerdlow
Human rights lawyer and professor of human rights in the Department of Political Science and International Relations at the University of Southern California.
Petr Svoik
Political scientist
Inga Sikorskaia
Program director of the School of peacemaking and media technology in Central Asia
Olga Simakova
Public Fund "Center for Social and Political Studies ‘Strategy’"
Doriyush Soliev
Independent Analyst (Dushanbe)
Klara Soronkulova
Lawyer, former judge of the Constitutional Chamber of KR Supreme Court
Rustami Sukhrob
International Relations Specialist (Tajikistan): Phd candidate, Ural Federal University, Department of Theory and History of International Relations
Konstantin Syroejkin
PhD., leading Kazakhstani Sinologist
Alisher Taksanov
Independent expert
Azamat Temirkulov
Associate Professor, Doctor of Political Sciences (Bishkek)
Anuar Temirov
Analyst, participant of the's school of analysts (Nur-Sultan)
Aliya Tlegenova
Political Scientist, Nazarbaev University (Kazakhstan)
Saniya Toktogazieva
Lawyer, expert on constitutional law (Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan)
Baurzhan Tolegenov
Political commentator (Nur-Sultan)
Medet Tyulegenov
Head of the Department of “International and Comparative Politics”, AUCA
Akram Umarov
Independent expert (Uzbekistan)
Arsen Usenov
Political scientist (Bishkek)
Esen Usubaliev
Head of the analytical center "Prudent Solutions", specialist in international relations
Farkhod Tolipov
Political scientist, the director of the non-governmental scientific and educational institution "Bilim Carvoni" (Tashkent, Uzbekistan)
Komron Khidoyatzoda
Editor of diplomatic messenger "MISSION"
Yevgeniy Khon
Khursand Khurramov
Political scientist
Andrey Chebotaryov
Director оf Centre for Contemporary Research «Alternativa» (Kazakhstan)
Ajar Chekirova
PhD candidate at the Department of Political Science at the University of Illinois in Chicago
Irina Chernykh
Chief Researcher at the Kazakhstan Institute for Strategic Studies under the President of the Republic of Kazakhstan, Doctor of History, Professor
Sherzod Shamiev
Graduate of the OSCE Academy, researcher at the Z-Analytics (Tajikistan)
Bahrom Sharipov
PhD in Economics
Iskender Sharsheev
Economist, Executive Director of the Association of Foreign Investors (Bishkek)
Shohsanam Shodieva
Independent Analyst (Tajikistan)
Eratov Iskender
Independent expert
Chinara Esengul
Senior Advisor for the conflicts prevention, UNDP
Guly Yuldasheva
Dilmurad Yusupov
PhD student at the Institute of Development Studies of the University of Sussex, participant of School of Analytics (Tashkent)
Yuliy Yusupov
Economist, director of Center for Economic Development (Tashkent)
Ildar Yakubov
Candidate of Political Sciences (Tashkent)