In this piece, we delve into the composition of EU staffing and its significance for Central Asian nations aiming to bolster their standing within the EU. We scrutinise the tug-of-war between neutrality and national interests within EU personnel, taking Germany as our case study. We explore how factors such as educational and labour migration to Belgium mould the staffing in EU institutions. The article underscores that a deep comprehension of the EU workforce and a strategic focus on budding EU personnel through public diplomacy tools is critical for Central Asian nations’ effective EU engagement. These countries ought to boost the EU’s awareness of their region through cultural entities, youth groups, and media, targeting future EU personnel in their early stages of career development.
EU Staff Composition: The Unseen Catalyst in EU-Central Asia Relations
From 2022, ties between Central Asian nations and the European Union have seen an uptick, marked by an escalating frequency of reciprocal visits by state leaders and foreign ministries. Commenting on this development, Josep Borrell, the EU’s High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, acknowledged the need for strengthening these bonds. In one of his columns, he stated: “Perhaps we (the EU) haven’t accorded adequate focus on fostering our inter-regional relationships recently. The European Union, in collaboration with its Central Asian counterparts, is set on rectifying this oversight.” [1]
The push for broader collaboration is a two-way street. While the European Union is eager to diversify its transport routes and suppliers of resources like energy carriers and rare earth metals, Central Asian nations are equally keen on attracting EU investments to boost their economies [2]. Over three decades of such cooperation has not been without its share of hurdles impeding the acceleration of these ties. Central Asian experts highlight several areas of concern – a perceived lack of understanding and appreciation by the EU of the region’s unique characteristics, the EU’s less-than-proactive stance compared to other external actors such as Russia, China, and India, the absence of a comprehensive dialogue, and inconsistencies in the legal and contractual frameworks governing the relationship, among others [3, pp. 12-13; 16-17].
Fabienne Bossuyt, a scholar at Ghent University, points out that the European Union faces significant challenges in fostering democracy in the region. This stems from the Eurocentric perspectives held by EU officials distanced from the region, who mistakenly assume that Western-style democracy can be transplanted into any country [4]. Naturally, this complicates relationship building between the parties. Consequently, this paper will initially explore public diplomacy as a potential tool to surmount these obstacles, followed by a review of the staffing composition of the European Union and the current dynamics therein. The discussion will culminate in the presentation of specific recommendations for employing public diplomacy tools.
Public Diplomacy: The Underexplored Bridge between Central Asia and the European Union
Public diplomacy, specifically its long-term application, might be the key to bypassing the hurdles blocking enhanced cooperation between the European Union and Central Asian countries. Understanding the makeup and evolving trends of the EU staff composition is critical to cultivating a deep-rooted awareness about the region. This approach has the potential to navigate through the challenges obstructing EU-Central Asia relations, a tactic mirrored by numerous EU nations. Scholarly exchange initiatives, launched by EU nations targeting Central Asian students, are designed to foster familiarity with EU nations and their development models [5, p. 34-35].
Joseph Nye, the brain behind the soft power concept, posits in his piece “Public Diplomacy and Soft Power” that one of the primary avenues for bolstering soft power potential is through public diplomacy. Nye sets out three dimensions for public diplomacy:
- Continual communication to foreign audiences about internal and external policy, clarifying governmental actions.
- Proactive discourse on key national socio-economic and political issues.
- Fostering direct interactions with the international public via exchange programs, scholarships, and scientific conferences that expose foreigners to the nation’s culture and lifestyle [6, p. 95-106].
Central Asian nations can leverage public diplomacy to advance their interests within the EU by deliberate engagement with potential future EU staff, keeping in mind the primary nations of origin of EU employees, their places of education, and the recruitment strategies of the organization.
Leonard Mark, Director of the European Council on Foreign Affairs, further stratifies public diplomacy tools into three categories based on the time period: reactive (akin to “news management”), proactive, and network-building (“relationship building”) [7, p. 49-51]. The latter is designed for sustained interaction with the target audience, focusing on trust-building, information dissemination, and establishing a strong foundation for relationships. Each category is elaborated on in the subsequent table.
| Reactive PD | Proactive PD | Relationship building | |
| Time interval | Upcoming hours and days: short-term | Weeks and months: mid-term | Years: long-term |
| Characteristics and Objectives | Flexibility, reactivity, proximity to government | Strategic, highly developed communication skills, competence in the field of organizing events | In a cooperative spirit, it’s necessary to build and sustain trust, fostering a neutral and secure atmosphere for nurturing relationships. |
| Responsible entities | Entities in proximity to the government (such as the press office) | Specialised agencies | Semi-autonomous entities maintaining an adequate separation from the government |
Table 1. Three types of public diplomacy according to Leonard Mark [7, p. 51]
Central Asian nations have been seen actively utilizing the initial two forms of public diplomacy. This is observable in instances such as the region’s response to potential EU dissatisfaction over sanction regime violations [8]. Furthermore, the occurrence of region-related events in Brussels has seen a noticeable uptick. The European External Action Service headquarters’ presentation marking the 30th anniversary of diplomatic relations between Central Asia and the EU, titled “Connecting on the Silk Road” [9], serves as a notable instance. There’s also a growing frequency of discussions and collaborations with ‘EURACTIV,’ a pan-European media network specializing in EU matters [10]. Borrell’s previously mentioned remark underscores a deficit in long-haul efforts for strengthening the bonds. To accomplish this, the focus should be shifted onto the EU’s younger generation of workers, to shape their comprehension of the region, its interests, and challenges. Hence, it would be beneficial to separately examine the EU staff composition formation process and current trends.
This paper primarily focuses on the geographical structure of the European Commission’s workforce, as it provides the most current and detailed data. Moreover, this particular EU institution presents a more intriguing research subject. The Commission is tasked with the creation and proposal of new legislation spanning various EU operational sectors such as the economy, trade, environment, and social policy, among others. Additionally, it develops policies for international aid and coordinates EU delegations globally, as well as diplomatic missions to the EU [11]. Commission officials also wield significant decision-making influence, particularly compared to the EU Council and the European Parliament, where key roles are held by individuals not selected through EU-specific processes, but rather by organizational country ministers and elected MEPs, respectively. The European Commission encompasses 45 departments and agencies [12], some of which are particularly involved in foreign policy and trade affairs that are of specific interest to Central Asian nations. Despite the public availability of European Commission staffing data, there is a notable scarcity of published materials on this subject, thus highlighting the importance of this study.
EU’s Bureaucratic Ballet: Navigating Balance between Neutrality and National Interests
Aspiring EU job seekers must enter into open contests, known as “Concours”, orchestrated by the European Staff Selection Office (EPSO). To be eligible, candidates are required to hold a university degree of the honours level at the time of application, alongside proficiency in at least two official EU languages, with one of these being the chosen language for the selection procedure. Those who sail through the selection process successfully land on the reserve lists and are then recruited by EU agencies as vacancies crop up [13].
Given that the European Union operates as an international entity, one might assume that lobbying potential job candidates for the organization would be redundant due to the principle of impartiality that underpins most international organizations. Indeed, the EU’s legal framework stipulates the significance of impartiality for its employees, regardless of their nationality. According to Article 11 of the EU Staff Regulation, officials are required to perform their duties in light of the Union’s interests, and they must not seek or take instructions from external entities, but act objectively, impartially, and faithfully towards the EU [14]. However, despite the foundational principle of impartiality, EU member states often express interest in increasing the representation of their nationals within EU institutions. Case in point, German politicians have voiced concerns over the inadequate representation of German nationals in the organization, proportional to Germany’s population within the EU—most notably within the European External Action Service [15]. The European Commission itself acknowledges the importance of maintaining a workforce distribution that closely mirrors the distribution of Union citizens by nationality, and implements corrective measures should substantial discrepancies be identified.
Germany, despite being the most populous country in the EU, holds the fifth position when it comes to the number of employees in the European Commission. In fact, when looking at the number of employees relative to the country’s population in the EU, Germany drops even further down the ranks (Figures 1 and 2) [16]. A similar trend is seen in the General Secretariat of the Council of the EU [17]. The number of German employees in the European Commission has been on a gradual decline in recent years. Back in 2018, Germans made up 7.1% of the Commission’s staff, but by April 2023, this figure had slipped to 6.7%, roughly corresponding to a decrease of 130 to 150 German employees (Figure 3).
In response, various German departments are exploring measures to boost the presence of their nationals within EU institutions. Information events showcasing job opportunities in the EU and training courses to prepare for the rigorous, multistage EU Concours selection process are being organized for students and other interested parties [18].
However, it’s important to note that during the period from 2010 to 2016, the success rate of German candidates in the selection process (4.5%) was more than double that of their counterparts from Belgium (2.5%), France (2%), Italy (2.4%), Portugal (1.4%), Greece (2%) and Spain (2.1%), according to the European Commission [19, p. 30]. In contrast, it fell far short of Romania’s impressive 11.1% success rate. Interestingly, the number of applications from German nationals is significantly lower than those from countries with less successful outcomes.
Even while upholding the principles of impartiality and objectivity amongst its staff, it’s clear that both the EU leadership and certain member states are keen to maintain a balanced representation of their nations within the EU workforce. These countries are motivated by a desire to safeguard their national interests within the organization. Therefore, one could argue that the distribution of employees within the EU to some extent mirrors the influence of member states.
Contrary to expectations based on size and economic clout, Germany doesn’t hold the strongest position within the organization. Belgium, Italy, France, and Spain wield considerable influence based on staff numbers, while Poland, Romania, and Greece also make their presence felt. This kind of data is crucial for Central Asian countries to consider in their interactions with the EU.
Figure 1. Percentage of European Commission staff by country in April 2023 [19]
Figure 2. The percentage ratio of the share of employees of the European Commission and the share of the population by country [19]
Figure 3. Dynamics of employment of employees from Germany in the European Commission (%) from October 2018 to April 2023 [16]
Unravelling the Puzzle of Power Distribution: Dissecting the ‘Why’
Scrutinizing the EU employee data from various member states, a correlation emerges between the number of EU institutional workers and patterns of educational and labour migration to Belgium, which, for Germans, isn’t the most coveted destination. A look at the national representation data underscores the critical role that migration from the EU to Brussels plays in shaping the European Commission’s workforce. Countries that joined the EU post-2004 are noticeably overrepresented, presumably due to lower living standards propelling skilled workers abroad. Belgium, France, and Italy are the notable exceptions. According to a 2020 public survey of Romanian citizens living in Brussels, the lure of career advancement and the exclusive benefits offered by EU institutions serve as a potent magnet for relocation to Brussels [20, p. 21-22]
Figure 4 depicts a downward trend in German immigration to Brussels, juxtaposed with an upward movement of Bulgarians, comparatively. Given Brussels’ demographics, it’s crucial to factor in the statistics from Flanders, which predominantly attracts citizens from the Netherlands, Romania, Poland, Bulgaria, Italy, Spain, and France. A significant concentration of these migrants can be found in regions adjacent to Brussels [21]. Individuals from Italy, Spain, and Greece, faced with high unemployment rates back home, often venture to Brussels in pursuit of better job opportunities. These trends suggest that the workforce composition within the European Commission is heavily influenced by the appeal of living and working conditions in Brussels and the broader EU. Countries with high living standards might find the EU less enticing compared to their counterparts with lower living standards. Linguistic familiarity also holds considerable sway since working in the EU and residing in Belgium demand proficiency in French.
Figure 4. Share of foreigners in Brussels from 2013 to 2022 [22]
Seizing Opportunities to Advance Interests in the EU
In the context of long-term advocacy for their causes in the EU, it is crucial for the nations of Central Asia to have a deep understanding of the citizenship makeup within the EU’s major bodies. While the most potent approach would be to have their own nationals serving within EU institutions, such positions for non-EU citizens are typically contract-based or only granted in rare circumstances. As such, public diplomacy may prove the most viable instrument. It can be argued that enhancing EU staff’s understanding of Central Asian nations – their needs and their agendas – could foster a more constructive collaboration. This is because, when formulating and enacting decisions, they would be knowledgeable about the region, possess the relevant contacts, and be primed to seek assistance when needed. To this end, we have constructed the following recommendations for leveraging the tools of public diplomacy to elevate Central Asia’s visibility among potential EU employees:
- Continual monitoring and tracking of the staffing trends within the European Union are pivotal. To facilitate this, quarterly reports are issued by the European Commission. In this context, it’s crucial to discern which nations are increasingly feeding employees into the EU workforce, with an aim to prioritise engagement with these countries in the future. As current trends illustrate, there’s a downward trajectory in employees hailing from Germany, while those from Romania, France, Bulgaria, and other nations are on an upward swing. Additionally, it’s important to note that there are ongoing legislative discussions within the EU aimed at striking a balance in the representation of EU citizens. However, the potential effectiveness of such measures remains uncertain, particularly given the lure of more attractive opportunities in underrepresented EU countries.
- Identify primary recruitment channels for EU workers and establish a targeted audience. Alongside nationality, valuable insights can be drawn from identifying where prospective EU employees have completed their higher education – take, for example, the renowned College of Europe in Bruges. Although data on such universities isn’t readily accessible in public domains, conducting a dedicated study could yield this information, with platforms like LinkedIn offering a potential resource for employee profile analysis. In terms of your target audience, discerning which potential EU department employees to focus on is key. While the European Commission houses a service predominantly staffed by Belgian citizens, tasked with ensuring a secure and comfortable work environment for Brussels-based employees, Central Asian nations may not see a strong strategic value in concentrating solely on Belgium, despite its strong representation within the Commission’s workforce. In contrast, there are numerous Italian, French, German, Spanish, Polish, Greek, and Romanian nationals working within the Commission’s departments that are concerned with trade, foreign policy, and international aid provision. Consequently, it is crucial for Central Asian nations to initially comprehend how these individuals secure their positions within the EU. This could involve investigating whether they partake in special courses offered by their home countries’ Foreign Affairs Ministries or if they are self-nominated.
- Leverage semi-autonomous organizations to establish networks. After determining recruitment channels for EU employees and identifying your target audience, you should engage in activities aimed at enhancing the awareness of potential EU employees about Central Asia during their university education. Semi-autonomous entities, such as cultural institutions, youth organizations, and possibly, state-affiliated media outlets, could play a significant role here. These organizations could orchestrate cultural events, like exhibitions, film screenings, theatre shows, concerts, and more. They could also host events geared towards political subjects, such as academic conferences, debates, or discussions. The crux here is to educate and inform more about the Central Asian region. With youth associations in the mix, students from Central Asian countries could hold shared events, inviting their peers. A similar setup is already in action at Harvard University [23]. Furthermore, promoting academic exchanges not only from Central Asian countries to the EU but also in the opposite direction remains crucial. This could encompass summer schools, internships, and exchange semesters. Such programs should be initiated specifically at educational institutions where your target audience – prospective EU employees – is studying.
Conclusion
Over the past three decades of collaboration between Central Asia and the European Union, numerous milestones have been achieved, but particular hurdles remain. Addressing these challenges will drive the growth of cooperation even further. Primarily, this pertains to raising EU staff awareness about the region and understanding its unique nuances. Therefore, for Central Asian countries aiming to advance their interests in the EU, understanding the constitution of the EU bodies and focusing on the organization’s potential employees via public diplomacy tactics becomes crucial. Fostering long-lasting relationships, trust, and EU staff’s knowledge about Central Asian nations could propel cooperation towards higher productivity. Discerning the national origins of EU employees and their respective departments may assist Central Asian countries in devising an effective engagement strategy.
Distinctly, this piece provides an evaluation of the European Union workforce’s composition, specifically focusing on the European Commission, and outlines the main development trends. Keeping these factors in mind, to ensure the comprehensive application of public diplomacy tools, three key suggestions have been proposed:
- Keep an active eye on trends regarding the constitution of the European Union staff;
- Identify primary recruitment pathways for EU workers and shape the target audience;
- Establish connections via semi-autonomous organizations
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