Press release: Spotlight on Uzbekistan

The much talked about reform process in Uzbekistan is real, but so are the significant holes in it, finds a major new publication by the Foreign Policy Centre.

Despite recent progress, there is a lot of work still needing to be done to create an open economy, pluralist politics, and free society in Uzbekistan and it remains unclear whether President Mirziyoyev’s really wants to go far beyond the type of authoritarian modernisation seen so far. To date, the reforms have created a type of ‘managed freedom’ where there is space for ‘constructive criticism’ and there has been a reduction in state interference in everyday life, but some sensitive topics remain off-limits. This progress has garnered Uzbekistan much international good will as it has returned to the world stage.

However, there are growing concerns about cronyism, corruption, and citizens forced out of their homes as Mirziyoyev tries to build the new Uzbekistan. The response to COVID-19 has highlighted the successes and failings of the new system with swift action to control the virus and protect the economy but also local abuses of power and concerns about potential future unrest.

As Uzbekistan becomes more self-confident about the future, it must be more open about the horrors in its recent past under former President Karimov. There needs to be a historical reckoning and a new national conversation to help deliver transitional justice for the victims.

FPC Director and editor, Adam Hug said,

Uzbekistan has made real progress since 2016 but it is no time to take a victory lap. There are growing concerns about lack of transparency amongst Uzbekistan’s new elite and there are few signs of wider democratic reforms that would move beyond closely state-managed freedoms. It remains almost impossible to register independent NGOs and the country has yet to come to terms with the horrors of its past. The report card on Mirziyoyev’s Presidency so far reads a lot done, a lot still to do.

The publication makes key recommendations for the Government of Uzbekistan. It should:

Continue reforming the civil service to improve structures and capacity while being more measured and consultative when creating new legislation and decrees.
Develop a more competitive political environment in Uzbekistan by removing restrictions on registering new parties and allowing independent candidates to stand for election.
Reform local government by requiring the direct elections of Governors and Mayors, with a greater public consultation on planning decisions, action on forced evictions, lack of compensation, the provision of social infrastructure, and protecting historic buildings.
Require transparency for all holders of public office including politicians and judges with declarations of external sources of income and assets, while making public the ownership details of firms involved in the new cotton ‘clusters’.
Move beyond ‘constructive criticism’ to true freedom of expression and association including by delivering new anti-defamation laws without the threat of prison or massive fine and supporting independent NGOs to register.
Help facilitate the end of the boycott of Uzbek cotton by urgently registering the cotton monitoring NGOs and independent trade unions, working with them to end forced labour.
Continue the reform of the Prosecutor General’s Office, security services and judiciary to prevent the harassment of activists and political opponents.
Deliver transitional justice and greater openness about the Karimov legacy that includes helping the rehabilitation of victims of past abuse and an open public dialogue.
Continue to expand both religious and social freedoms that prioritise individual choice over community pressure, with more women in senior government positions, action on domestic violence, freedoms for religious groups, and ending laws against the LGBTQ community.

International institutions and governments should:

Critically but actively engage with Uzbekistan to further the reforms and insist on an international human rights health check ahead of decisions whether to elect Uzbekistan to the UN Human Rights Council or be chosen to host the 2027 Asian Games.

To see the full list of recommendations please download the publication following the link.

Edited by Adam Hug (Foreign Policy Centre) the publication contains essay contributions from Yuliy Yusupov (Centre for Economic Research- Tashkent); Kate Mallinson (PRISM and Chatham House); Prof Kristian Lasslett (University of Ulster); Navbahor Imamova (VOA); Dilmira Matyakubova (FPC Research Fellow); Nikita Makarenko (UzReport); Dilmurad Yusupov (University of Sussex); Lynn Schweisfurth (Uzbek Forum for Human Rights); Steve Swerdlow (University of South California/UNDP); Nadejda Atayeva (Association for Human Rights in Central Asia); Eldor Tulyakov (Development Strategy Center); and Dr. Luca Anceschi (University of Glasgow) and Dr. Vladimir Paramonov (Central Eurasia Analytical Group).

FPC (Foreign Policy Centre) can provide comments from authors to help. It will be launched online at 12.00 am (BST) on Tuesday 14^th July on the link when the embargo will be lifted. The findings of the report will be debated at a webinar on Tuesday 14^th July 4 pm-5.30 pm (BST) featuring a panel of Navbahor Imamova, Nikita Makarenko, Steve Swerdlow, Dilmira Matyakubova and Adam Hug.

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